Canadians need a new national animal

Compelled by a strange feeling of responsibility to manufacture one of those generic end of/beginning of the year articles, I recalled a memory from my childhood. Thumbing through a geography textbook as a young mushroom-haired boy, probably wearing either a Spiderman jumpsuit or an entire Toronto Blue Jays uniform, I found a cartoon that was comparing the size of Canada with Russia. Russia, represented as a grinning bear in a fez cap, was much larger than Canada, which was depicted as a beaver holding a hockey stick. In my approximately seven year old brain, these images didn’t demand much scrutiny beyond wondering what the bear thought was so funny. After all, what’s laughable about a beaver? Nothing, that’s what.

The beaver is a builder, a herbivore, an aquatic genius, a noble beast with work ethic that can make hot-blooded Protestants feel fancy. Indeed, the beaver is a majestic creature, an animal that deserves better than to be sullied as Canada’s national creature. A suggestion: re-illustrate our geography books to include a species that actually reflects Canada’s behaviour domestically and internationally. I think some variety of snake is more fitting. Unlike beavers, snakes do not have legs, movable eyelids, external ear-openings, or eardrums, just like many of the government officials and corporations that represent us here and abroad. Therefore, considering the troubled eggs our dry-eyed, legless, and hard of hearing Canadian elites have been laying all over the planet this year, I don’t believe it’s fair to ridicule the beaver any longer as Canada’s national creature.
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The last few weeks have seen a flurry of promises, dates and opinions regarding the potential withdrawal of ISAF troops from Afghanistan.  While both President Obama and Gordon Brown have publicly declared a surge in troop numbers for their respective countries’ armed forces, Canada has stuck to its guns.

Wednesday’s announcement by foreign minister Lawrence Cannon that Canada’s government would not change its planned withdrawal in 2011 seemed to show solidarity with Obama’s pledge, repeated this week, that the withdrawal of American soldiers would begin in mid-2011 despite an additional 30,000 being deployed in the coming months.  The question though, is whether a strict end date can be placed upon an operation that has seen its objectives muddied and targets missed time and time again?
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The last several weeks have seen the development of the Afghan detainee story unfold in multifaceted directions.  First we had the testimony of senior level bureaucrat Richard Colvin, whom after serving a stint in Afghanistan and numerous other positions as an overseas diplomat and being “promoted” to the top intelligence position representing Canada in the United States, comes before the Special Committee on the Afghanistan Mission and describes what some of us had already known: torture is going on in Afghanistan. Several international organizations have already reported that the NDS (National Directorate of Security) was torturing or allowing the torture of detainees handed over by Canadian soldiers. Colvin places this on a backdrop of poor documentation and negligent attention to warnings from him to the Canadian government and senior military officials.

Upon confrontation in the house the government has switched their stance on this issue numerous times. They began by saying that there were no allegations of torture and, at least at first, lambasted Colvin as a rogue bureaucrat who could not be trusted. This wouldn’t have sat well with the always micromanaging Stephen Harper, whom I’m sure doesn’t want the opposition to get a foothold on anything, and the frame quickly changed from criticizing Colvin, to criticizing the credibility of the reports and not the person. This shifted again when Harper came back to referring to Colvin’s reports for a period of eighteen months as mere “evaluations.” In my honest opinion, this constant reframing of the governments narrative calls into question the complicity of senior PMO officials, ministers and even the Prime Minister. There are simply too many questions left unanswered here. We know that the Liberal Government signed a transfer agreement some weeks before losing the election in 2006/2007, but what about before then? What kind of agreement was in place before the Conservatives took power? I think a full scale inquiry dating back to the beginning of the war and our operations in Afghanistan is necessary so we can have a proper examination of the level of accountability that existed in regards to the transfer of detainees.
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Canadian soldiers and a captured Afghan insurgent

Disturbing allegations regarding the treatment of Taliban prisoners captured by Canadian forces in Afghanistan have resurfaced this week, after Parliamentary testimony by Richard Colvin, the second highest ranked member of Canada’s diplomatic service in Afghanistan from 2006 to 2007.

Colvin appeared before a special Commons committee on Wednesday November 18, 2009 and steadfastly reaffirmed previous statements he has made that senior Conservative government officials and Canadian military personnel had been aware of serious allegations that Taliban prisoners had been subjected to systematic abuse since at least 2006, that such treatment was part of sanctioned government policy, and that those he attempted to raise the issue with made it clear to him that these charges were not to be brought to light at a time when Prime Minister Stephen Harper was attempting to persuade an increasingly skeptical public that Canada’s Afghan mission was being conducted in strict accordance with international law, particularly when dealing with captured Taliban fighters.
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Canadian Commander in Afghanistan Brigadier-General Jonathan Vance

Brigadier-General Jonathon Vance, Canada’s commander in Afghanistan, has been the most recent high level official to state publicly what many NATO military and political leaders are increasingly recognizing as a primary obstacle to success in the war torn country.

“The international community is going to demand honesty, integrity and good performance from all levels of government or we won’t stay. We have lost too many soldiers and spent too much of our people’s money to stay if there is not honest co-operation. Our public accepts us here and is deciding right now whether we will stay. Canadians, Americans, the British, everyone is wondering whether it is worth it to stay.” Vance made his comments during his final tour of Kandahar province, meeting with local tribal elders on the eve of his departure as Canada’s top commander in Afghanistan, following his ten month tenure.

His dire warning comes on the heels of similar statements delivered to Afghan president Hamid Karzai, in the aftermath of the election debacle which saw widespread fraud allegations lead to a potential second round of voting, only to have the runoff vote halted at the last moment by the unexpected withdrawal of Karzai’s main challenger, Dr. Abdullah Abdullah.
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Prime Minister Harper addresses Canadian troops in Afghanistan

Just a week after refusing to entertain the idea of a runoff election, it appears sufficient pressure has been applied to Afghanistan’s President Hamid Karzai from his international patrons, that he has been forced to accept what many have considered inevitable for the past two months; a second round of voting for the dubious honor of presiding over the beleaguered nation.

The initial results of the original election on September 20, 2009 immediately showed troubling signs of massive voter fraud throughout the country. A two month investigation by a United Nations backed panel, the Electoral Complaints Commission (ECC), validated many of the hundreds of officially lodged complaints of widespread vote rigging. According to their statement, the ECC found “clear and convincing evidence of fraud relating to improperly recorded vote totals for candidates,” and ordered ballots from 210 polling stations invalidated.
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As the Canadian death toll in Afghanistan increases and days tick off the calendar, the more that the parallels between the conflict in Afghanistan and the Vietnam War are apparent.

The most notable parallel comes in Canada’s role as a preventative body against the proliferation of terrorist organizations across the Middle East and into the Western World. Canada’s emphasis on preventative action clearly parallels Eisenhower’s Domino Theory, the basis of preventative action in relation to the spread of Communism, as it applies to the War on Terror.
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Robert Semrau held in military police custody

A Canadian Forces captain must now await a custody hearing after having his day in military court on January 6th.

At least one witness testified as seeing Capt. Robert Semrau, of the 3rd Battalion of the Royal Canadian Regiment, shoot and kill a severely wounded and unarmed insurgent during an ambush in October.

The hearing will decide whether Semrau will be released until his trial, which isn’t expected until sometime after the summer.

This issue should ignite some heated debate across the country about whether this act can be considered a mercy killing or whether it is, in fact, murder.

It is reported that Semrau was commanding an Operational Mentor and Liaison Team on Oct. 19 in the Helmand province of Afghanistan when they, as well as Afghan soldiers, were ambushed. With help from American military helicopters the insurgents were fought off. After the air strike, Afghan soldiers moved in and found one Taliban fighter dead, along side another who was still armed but severely wounded. Once disarmed, it was determined that the insurgent’s wounds were “too severe for any type of treatment.”
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